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jueves, 9 de enero de 2014

A critical Review of Why Nations Fail

A critical Review of Why Nations Fail, a book by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson


By Francisco Gil Diaz

“Why Nations Fail”, the recent impressive opus by Acemoglu-Robinson (A&R), has already had a profound influence on the economics profession and on laymen. It builds on a tradition of institutional-historical research key to understand the causes of economic growth and welfare. It is a path-breaking reinterpretation of the economic history of many parts of the world with a central hypothesis that is confirmed again and again, an admirable contribution indeed. Their work goes beyond the mechanistic and dry set of tools we economists have been taught and are frequently content with. A&R brilliantly expand on the seminal work among others of Douglass C. North and Robert P. Thomas[1]. Other indispensable contemporary companions to their work are Deirdre McCloskey[2] and Ronald Coase with Ning Wang[3]. Their work will surely inspire policy makers and professional economists.


A&R point out how critical historical junctures and/or institutional circumstances are decisive to understand how a country will go down a certain path or another. A similar event will send societies through a growth or a regressive path given their institutional framework (extractive or non extractive).  Their rich and well- documented historical comparisons provide a conclusive proof of the role of institutions, particularly of the rule of law, as well as of the serendipitous effects of certain shocks and their combination and interactions with the prevailing institutional framework.

That said their book contains a few questionable factual observations.
I begin with comments on Mexico, a country whose comparisons with the US play such a useful role in their book. The authors use Mexico as a reference if not as a whipping boy. One of the many examples of how they trivialize the sources of Mexico’s difficulties is found on P57: “For example. In surveys Mexicans typically say they trust other people less than the citizens of the United States say they trust others. But it is not a surprise that Mexicans lack trust when their government cannot eliminate drug cartels or provide a functioning unbiased legal system”. Their skepticism regarding Mexico´s legal system hits the bulls’ eye, but living in the US they should know that Mexico’s drug problem originates with unfettered US consumption and with an infinite supply of assault weapons sold to be smuggled across the border.

Like A&R I shall deal with the “Spanish strategy of colonization”….”first perfected by Cortés in Mexico, it was based on the observation that the best way for the Spanish to subdue opposition was to capture the indigenous leader”, P11. Scholarly research on Cortés[4] is ignored. His was a complex personality, torn between allegiance to the king and respect for the Indians and their culture. Cortés tried and in the end failed to achieve a community respectful of indigenous rights. The Crown had other plans. Furthermore, while he did capture their king to hold the Aztecs at bay, the essence of his military triumph was his ability to engage the people from Tlaxcala, cruelly subjugated by the Aztecs, as his allies. Thus Cortes detonated a civil war and was able to be on the winning side. The entry into Mexico of the Spanish under the leadership of Cortes cannot therefore be characterized as a “Spanish Strategy of colonization”, even if Cortes’ plans were with time aborted and Mexico was converted into a colony with subjugated indigenous people. The manner in which the conquest of Mexico materialized was not a Spanish model for the rest of the Americas, but rather quite unique. 

From the conquest A&R follow into independent Mexico. On pages 31 and 32 they point out the problems posed by “highly insecure property rights” as a result of 19th C political instability and its consequence for the country’s dismal economic performance. While this interpretation of the facts is unquestionable, an historian should point out whence the instability came from.

Mexicans came out of their 19th C. long war of independence involved in internal struggles. One of the key contentious items regarded the definition of the constitutional framework. A&R rightly point out the instability created by 19th C frequent shifts between liberal and conservative constitutions. For instance the ephemeral adoption of the liberal Cadiz constitution and its immediate replacement upon independence by the central-monarchic conservative one favored by emperor Agustin de Iturbide. Lack of agreement amongst such opposite ideologies led to continuous strife, even civil wars within a legal void that lasted until the constitution of 1857, whose fruits were only partially reaped when in 1867 Benito Juarez finally assumed the powers of the presidency. Weak governments rose and fell continuously and constitutions were legislated and abrogated depending on the faction in power. But there are significant contributing factors to this disarray omitted from A&R’s narrative: the chronic weakness of public finances[5] and the pernicious intrusions of US diplomats into Mexican politics.

Weak government revenues led to bouts of indebtedness and to defaults, with their expected fallout into political instability. This budgetary fragility was an “original sin”, not something to be attributed solely to the presidential musical chairs when “Between 1824 and 1867 there were fifty-two presidents in Mexico” P31. Government income prior to independence had relied upon border tariffs and taxes on silver output. The war of independence led to the neglect of silver mines with their consequent flooding, or destruction by their persecuted Spanish owners. It would take considerable time and effort to get the mines back to normalcy.  This important contributory fact to fiscal and political instability is left out of A&R’s book, and while it could be argued that the powers that be are ultimately responsible for solving budgetary problems, there was another disturbance that contributed to nurture the incessant 19th C. political infightings and changes of governments mentioned by A&R: US meddling into Mexican politics.

A&R portray the contrasts between two border cities, the US’s and Mexico’s Nogales, as a reflection of the institutional differences between the US and Mexico. While I have no quarrel with their analysis and conclusions, as the thorough historians that they are they should have recognized that a non-negligible part of the economic differences of the 2 countries lies in the unfortunate and unfair diplomatic intrusions into Mexico by its northern neighbor.

Joel Roberts Poinsett, a US envoy to Mexico at the very start of its independence in 1822, was present in Mexico in various official capacities until 1830. Poinsett was a strong perturbing influence into 19th C Mexican politics. He did so through his membership and connections with one of the masonic groups[6]. His name does not appear in A&R’s book, not even in their vast index.

Mexico’s political parties clustered at the time into either of two masonic lodges. Poinsett belonged to the ferociously anti catholic and anti Spaniard York masonic  (from the so called Great Philadelphia Lodge) faction and influenced strongly to create and fortify the Mexican branch in a country with an overwhelming catholic majority. It did so against the other masonic lodge, the Scottish one, that was neither anticlerical nor anti Spanish. He planted thus the seeds for continuous strife within Mexico, nurtured by an outlook related to the protestant-catholic divide that was still so vivid in US and European society. Poinsett’s interventions were numerous; he succeeded for instance in aborting a trade treaty between Mexico and the UK and in preparing the groundwork for the annexation of Texas by the US. Poinsett’s Mexican legacy is one of continuous political conflicts, including his friendship and sponsoring of the infamous Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana, 11 times president of Mexico and directly and indirectly responsible for the loss of Texas and other territories to the US.

A&R do not dwell either into the US role regarding the intervention of the US government when it contributed to the ouster of Mexico’s long time dictator, Porfirio Diaz, only to conspire afterwards to bring down his democratic successor, Francisco I Madero. The US ambassador, Henry Lane Wilson, colluded with president Madero’s Secretary of Defense, Victoriano Huerta, to oust and assassinate the president. Instead of the hopefully peaceful transition heralded by Madero’s election, the betrayal led into the Mexican Revolution of the 20th C. Ten more years of economic destruction and internal warfare with millions of lives lost (estimates range between 1.9 and 3.5 million [7]) ensued, lasting from 1910 until 1920.  

Another questionable assertion related to Diaz (no kin of mine) has to do with his supposed overthrow by force. P 35. In fact Diaz left the country peacefully to avoid a violent confrontation.

Still regarding Mexico, A&R make a reference to its telecom market. P40. A segment of the economy that could contribute to greater economic growth but that has been constrained more than others by extractive policies that favor Mexico’s richest man in the world. A&R explain Slim’s monopoly power because of his ability to use the courts to prevent government restraints on his predatory practices. The authors relate Slim’s judicial successes to his abuse of Mexican legislation “stays” or habeas corpus (the “amparo”). In fact Slim´s ability to protect his empire has little to do with the amparo. It is true that Telmex has used the courts to its advantage, but the source of its monopoly power lies more within the Communications Department (SCT), and the Telecom and Competition Commissions[8]. There is a regulatory capture in the Stigler sense. The extractive situation regarding telecoms in Mexico follows the blueprint detected by A&R to a degree greater than what they point out and has more to do with the connivance of the authorities. A&R allege that Slim cannot compete without government support when they mention his failed investment in COMPU-USA. They are wrong. Good businessmen have failures and there are many instances of Slim doing well in unregulated markets. Take for instance his US operation with Tracfone and other US brands owned by America Movil[9], a successful wireless-phone business. Mr. Slim evidently is talented enough not to need government support; the latter simply fattens his results.

One more instance of Mexico as straw man or favored whipping boy is their comment on P57 regarding Mexico’s failure to “…eliminate drug cartels…” An incredible statement coming from the authors whom, as US residents, know well where the demand for the substances produced and distributed by the cartels comes from and where that US’s armories are clustered on the Mexican border to provide powerful assault weapons to Mexican criminals and to US citizens. Their analysis of the African slave trade in the 18th century provides a parallel they could have used to describe how US-Mexico drug trade has consequences similar to their depiction of the African tragedy. On pages 252-253 A&R state: “The increase in warfare was fueled by huge imports of guns and ammunition, which the Europeans exchanged for slaves. By 1730 about 180,000 guns were being imported every year just along the West African coast, and between 1750 and the early nineteenth century, the British alone sold between 283,000 and 394,00 guns a year”. And: “All this warfare and conflict not only caused major cause of life and human suffering but also put in motion a particular path of institutional development in Africa”. Finally: “Second, as a consequence but, paradoxically, in opposition to the first process, warring and slaving ultimately destroyed whatever order and legitimate state authority existed in sub-Saharan Africa”. The recent increase in drug related violence in Mexico is another case in point. The failure or unwillingness of the US to control its forbidden drug consumption has converted Mexico into a transfer route. This failure has led to an accumulation of tragic consequences, because of drug trafficking trough Mexico thousands of lives have been lost and the country has experienced an internal surge in addictions.

The above contains all my comments regarding Mexico. From them one should be able to understand some of the more negative shocks that have altered the course of Mexico’s economy and society. It is impossible to deny that several extractive policies have prevailed within Mexico with their strangling effects on welfare, and that such policies are the result of government capture by vested interests, confirming the essence of A&R analysis. However, the counterfactual, what would have happened had the country not been derailed of its path, is impossible to conjecture, but the historical record should be set straight.

Mexico is a recurrent theme but A&R provide an incredibly rich and valuable portfolio of country research. Not all of it as scientifically buttressed as the rest. To comment on some of the other countries covered in the book, an important assertion concerning the Soviet Union has to be qualified:  “The Soviet Union is an even more worthy example, growing rapidly between 1930 and 1970, but subsequently experiencing a rapid collapse”P48. Also in P92: “Political and economic institutions were highly extractive, and markets were heavily constrained. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union was able to achieve rapid economic growth because it could use the power of the state to move resources from agriculture, were they were inefficiently used, into industry”. A similar statement appears on P126. A&R deal with other cases under the same assumption: that there is a growth model based on brutal capital accumulation and/or forced reallocation of resources, such as in pre Deng China.

There is another way of looking at such performances. North& Thomas define growth as increases in income per person, not as growth in output, as the metric of economic growth. Only personal income increases reflect improvements in people’s welfare. Huge increases in investment to create a war machine or any other statist objective have turned out to be self-defeating and should not be labeled growth unless people’s welfare increases. Therefore one should not mislabel examples that only prove how oppression and forced Soviet transfers from satellite countries (COMECON) can generate output but not growth. Something discovered with the Soviet Union’s collapse when the world was able to observe the squalor in which ordinary Russians lived and had lived.

A%R also deal with an explanation of economic differences favored by many: geography, and dismiss these hypothesis. I believe the rejection of nature as a contributory factor to economic differences is dismissed too lightly. Geography may not be determinant but combined with other elements it can be helpful, or detrimental.

While their central thesis is unassailable, their vast historical documentation is solid and convincing, one cannot put aside or dismiss advantages conferred by nature. To take just one paragraph among many: “The population became educated and railways spread out across the Great Plains in stark contrast to what happened in South America. This cannot be explained by pointing to differential geographic endowments of North and South America, which if anything, favored South America”. P53

Mexico and Central America are not South America so perhaps A&R accept that the forbidding mountains of this region did prevent a US sort of railway expansion. But what about the mountain ranges of Peru, Colombia and Ecuador? Could a train have been built in the vast Amazon region of Brazil? Have they looked at the topography of Bolivia and Ecuador? And how about Chile’s huge and barren Atacama Desert? Perhaps parts of Argentina and most of Uruguay are suitable for a US type of railway expansion, but no country enjoys the navigable river mesh on the eastern side of the US that complements closely its railway network, and, speaking of geographic advantages, facing its biggest market: Europe. Another obvious instance of a geographical source of national wealth are of course the oil resources of some of Arab countries.   

Other questionable assertions have to do with their interpretation of China’s recent economic explosion. On P63 A&R mention that Deng Xiaoping promoted market reforms “first in agriculture and then in industry”, and on P68: “Instead, Deng Xiaoping and his allies, who were no less self interested than their rivals but who had different interests and political objectives, defeated their powerful opponents in the Communist Party and masterminded a political revolution of sorts, radically changing the leadership and direction of the party. The economic reforms, which created market incentives in agriculture and then subsequently in industry, followed from this political revolution. It was politics that determined their switch from communism and toward market incentives in China, not better advice or a better understanding of how the economy worked”. Also on Ps 93&94: “As in the Soviet Union in its heyday, China is growing rapidly, but this is still growth under extractive institutions, under the control of the state, with little sign of a transition to inclusive political institutions”.

The above are strange conclusions regarding Chinese performance, difficult to understand because of A&R’s meticulous research, vast bibliography, and professional scholarship. Perhaps the explanation is that they did not look into the book “How China Became Capitalist” by Ronald Coase and Ning Wang (C&NW). These authors’ research arrives at conclusions that contrast 180 degrees with A&R’s regarding the China phenomenon. According to C&NW, China’s awakening was a bottoms-up market type of process more than a blueprint planned and dictated by the communist leadership. Furthermore increases in food consumption, in the percentage of people in the new Chinese middle class, higher wages, better health and education, improved housing, etc., are manifestations of growing per capita income. Improved personal income is economic growth, hard to achieve under extractive economic institutions. It is true that Deng Xiaoping was instrumental in easing the road to new economic institutions and policies, but to an important degree Deng was a follower who rode and facilitated a wave of reform. Deng was inspired by the success peasants achieved when they decided spontaneously to allocate communal land to families, and not as before, to the commune. The book referenced turns upside down the usual interpretation of the astounding Chinese economic revolution. Perhaps the book came out after their opus was finished, but two other important sources that support the C&NW hypothesis were published several years before[10]. Paradoxically, while C&NW’s interpretation contradicts A&R’s understanding of China’s economic performance, it supports their general hypothesis regarding the roots of economic success.

Other examples hard to accept are ones they provide for Argentina and Chile. According to the authors Argentina and Chile were lucky in their neglect from the conquistadores because they had no mineral resources to ship back to Europe and because they had few indigenous people to exploit as slave labor. P114. How that “luck” translated into economic welfare looking at these countries’ performances is hard to understand. For many years after its colonization Chile had slow growth and recurring bouts of high inflation, even hyperinflation, until it embarked on free market reforms. Argentina has gone from one set of bad policies into another, with an economy occasionally held up by episodes of improved terms of trade when the products of its exceptionally rich and vast land resources enjoy high international prices.

Another puzzling statement has to do with their interpretation of Israel’s economic success P142: “Syria and Palestine are relatively poor parts of the modern world, and the prosperity of Israel was largely imported by the settlement of Jewish people after the Second World War and their high levels of education and easy access to advanced technologies”. According to a careful study[11] of Israel’s remarkable performance, which is based on the export and use of technology, the continuous flow of inventions coming from Israel is due to a peculiar combination: discipline and education within the army combined with the inflow of highly qualified Russian Jewish immigrants. This is a recent development, not a postwar one, and it has catapulted Israel despite the inefficiencies provided by the Kibbutz organization and the many socialist ingredients prevailing in its institutions. Furthermore, there was no “easy” access to advanced technologies; it has taken a considerable amount of homegrown efforts to create such technologies within Israel.                          















[1] North, Douglass C. and Thomas, Robert Paul. 1973. The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History. Cambridge University Press 

[2] McCloskey, Deirdre. 2010. Bourgeois Dignity: Why Economics Can't Explain the Modern World.  University of Chicago Press.


[3] Coase, Ronald and Wang, Ning. 2012. How China Became Capitalist. Palgrave McMillan.
[4] For an in-depth historical and biographical research (30 years work) on Hernan Cortes.: Miralles, Juan. 2001. Hernan Cortes, Inventor de Mexico. Tusquets. 2001. Also: Duverger , Christian. 2005. Cortes. Aguilar.

[5] Quoted from the Historical Text Archive: Rodriguez O., Jamie. 1980. Down From Colonialism: Mexico's 19th Century Crisis:

“During these years, government revenue dropped from an 1806 high of 39 million pesos to a low of 5.4 million in 1823. In the last two decades of the colonial period government income had averaged annually 24 million pesos compared to 12.2 million in the Republic's first decade. The average revenue increased in 1834-1844 to 23 million pesos a year, but not until the 1880's did collections surpass late colonial averages.
The decline in government income reflected Mexico's post-independence economic depression. Mining provides a graphic example of this crisis. Mineral production fell from an annual average of 25 million pesos in the late colonial period, to a low of 6.5 million in 1819, averaging 11 million a year for the next four decades. This dramatic decline was due to decreased production, not to a drop in the price of silver. In 1801-1810, New Spain extracted 5.5 million kilograms, while in 1821-30 Mexican silver production had fallen to 2.6 million kilograms”
“The wars of independence severely damaged agriculture, commerce, industry, and mining, as well as the nation's complex but delicate infrastructure. Lamentably, the most serious fighting occurred in central Mexico, the richest agricultural and mining area of the country. Rebels burned farms, killed livestock, wrecked mining equipment, and paralyzed commerce. Royalist forces retaliated with counter terror devastating regions which had capitulated to or supported the insurgents. The Viceregal government lost control of most of the country to rebel bands or to royalist military leaders who acted without regard for law or the needs of the economy. By 1821, when Mexico achieved independence, the nation was in chaos and the economy in ruins.16 Although it is impossible to assess the full impact of the struggle for independence, Quiros provides the best estimates of the losses caused by the fighting between 1810-1816. He, like others, maintains that agriculture suffered great damage. But as he demonstrates, the most severe blow to the Mexican economy was the loss of capital; money either fled the country or was withdrawn from circulation All published travel accounts report similar devastation. Perhaps the great silver mining region of Guanajuato demonstrates most accurately post-war Mexico's changed conditions. During 1801-1809 its mines produced silver worth 47,000,000 pesos, but yielded only 22,000,000 in the following decade." In 1820 the flooding of Valenciana, the greatest silver mine in the world, proved catastrophic because as the Ayuntamiento observed, Valenciana, the incomparable Valenciana, ... the only mine that has for some time continued to support almost all our population, though with hardship, will be utterly stopped...
It is believed that the remains of what used to be our numerous population will now flee the city to emigrate, to seek sustenance somewhere else, for here, when the mines and refineries do not function there is absolutely nothing to do”.

[6] There are many bibliographical references related to Poinsett’s interferences into Mexican life and politics. A good compendium: Herrera, Jose Maria. 2007. The Blueprint for Hemispheric Hegemony: Joel Roberts Poinsett and the First United States Diplomatic Mission to Mexico. PhD thesis. Purdue University:
[7]   McCaa, Robert, 2001. University of Minnesota Population Center. To give an idea of the relative magnitudes involved, Mexico's population in 1910 stood at 15 million.
[8] To provide 2 examples of several possible: a) When long distance was opened to competition in 1995, two firms were created to compete with Telmex: Alestra and Avantel. The juiciest market at that time came from the huge settlement income related to calls entering from the United States into Mexico. To protect Telmex from competitive pricing, the Communications Department issued a rule that limited service providers the revenue from that market to their internal market share. This way price competition was prevented and Telmex’s lion’s share of the market was protected. B) Despite Telefonica being a small competitor to dominant Telcel, the Competition Commission prevented Telefonica to obtain frequencies in a the bidding process that took place in 2005, only Telcel was allowed. Telefonica became thus gradually strangled to provide fast data downloading services in the largest Mexican geographic market: the metropolitan area of Mexico City.
[9] Tracfone; SafeLink; Net10 and StraightTalk.
[10] McMillan, John. 2002. Reinventing the Bazaar: The Natural History of Markets. W.W. Norton and Company New York-London, E.U. These authors refer to the experiences derived from reform in the village “Small Hill” in the Anhui province.  A reform initiated by the peasants themselves. C%NW point out that although this reform is more frequently quoted, the first private farming experience occurred two years before Anuhi’s in a village named “Nine Dragon Hill”. This earlier incident occurred because of the initiative of the local cadre. Both had spectacular results in additional farm production and in an overflow of demand that led to the appearance of small service outfits.

[11] Senor, Dan and Singer, Saul. 2009. Start-Up Nation, the Story of Israel’s Economic Miracle. 12 Hachette Book Group.

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